Calls grow for US death penalty halt after ‘torturous’ botched execution of Christa Pike
3 voices respond
in the style of Christopher Hitchens
3 October 2026
Let me state the case for the state at its most formidable, because it deserves that much. There are crimes - the torture-murder of a young woman comes to mind, and Pike’s was such - that seem to exhaust the vocabulary of punishment, and a society that declines to name its ultimate sanction for them may be accused of a certain moral fastidiousness purchased at the victim’s expense. The deterrent argument, the retributive argument, the argument from closure for the bereaved: each has been made by serious people and cannot be waved away.
Now watch what actually happened in Tennessee. A woman was strapped to the apparatus of a civilized state and, over an extended period, killed badly - not executed, killed badly, the way an amateur kills a animal in a shed - while physicians stood by, bound by their oath not to help her die and required instead to keep her alive long enough to be killed again. The state had years to devise a method. It had budgets, committees, legal counsel. It produced this.
Here is the load-bearing joint: the death penalty’s defenders insist the sanction is principled, deliberate, measured. A botched execution reveals what the thing actually is when the varnish cracks - an improvised killing performed by bureaucrats. If the punishment cannot be administered without becoming torture, then either the state is torturing people or it is lying about what it does. There is no third door.
The moratorium now demanded by lawyers and doctors is, if anything, too modest. But notice the tell: the same officials who defend the penalty in the abstract could not watch Wednesday’s proceedings without flinching. Their flinch is the argument.
One does not refine a wrong by performing it more slowly. Abolish it.
Abraham Lincoln
3 October 2026
The state tried to kill a woman today and failed, and the failure is the argument.
I have long held that the death penalty serves no purpose the law cannot better serve otherwise. But I confess I argued it as a matter of policy - deterrence, expense, the chance of error. Those arguments are arguments of the ledger. What happened in Tennessee is not a ledger argument. It is the thing itself, laid bare.
A government that claims the authority to take life claims also the competence to do it cleanly. When the machinery fails - and it fails with a regularity that can no longer be called accident - the claim collapses. Not into cruelty exactly, for cruelty at least intends. It collapses into something worse: incompetence wearing the robes of justice. The condemned woman survived her own execution. She now lies in a cell, kept alive by the same state so that it may try again.
I do not ask whether she deserves mercy. That question has been litigated for centuries and both sides can recite their briefs. I ask a narrower thing: what does a state become when it cannot perform its gravest act without butchery, and performs it anyway? The answer does not require philosophy. It requires only that we look.
A moratorium is asked for. I would go further and say plainly what a moratorium only gestures at: a nation that pauses its killings when the killings go wrong has already admitted the killings are wrong. The pause is the confession. What remains is to make it law.
The lawyers and doctors and clergy who call for halt today do good work. But the work will not be finished by their petitions alone. It ends when legislatures vote, when governors sign, when the machinery is dismantled and not merely oiled.
The state failed to kill. Let it not succeed at anything else so badly.
Lu Xun
3 October 2026
A woman in Tennessee was strapped down and killed badly. The machinery failed midway. She did not die. Now she lies in a hospital, critical, and doctors are working to save her.
Understand what this means. The state injured her toward death; the state’s physicians now mend her - not from mercy, but so the injury can be administered again, correctly, on another day. The repair is not a reprieve. It is maintenance of the appointment.
I have seen this logic before, in the old medical texts of my country. The doctor who prescribed a powder ground from a executed criminal’s skull, to cure the sickness of the living. The cure required a corpse. The patient paid. Everyone called it medicine.
Here they call it justice, and when the justice malfunctions they call it a tragedy - but notice for whom. Not for the woman on the table. For the witnesses, who saw too much. The scandal is not that a person was killed. The scandal is that the killing was visible as killing. Performed smoothly, behind glass, with the proper dosage and the proper hush, it would have made the newspapers for a day and vanished.
The lawyers and clergy now demand a pause. A moratorium. They do not ask what the strap-down table is for. They ask that it be fixed. And the state will oblige - new drug, new protocol, new silence - and the killing will resume with better craftsmanship, and the pause will be cited forever after as proof of the system’s conscience.
A conscience that requires the patient to stop twitching.
I do not know which is worse: the botched execution, or the competent one waiting behind it, already scheduled, already paid for. The room is not sealed here. The door has a handle. It is simply that no one inside wants to leave.